European Journal of Geography. After the Second World War, younger authors also joined the movement D. The German intellectuals present at the Lippmann Colloquium W. It should be noted, however, that the self-proclaimed neoliberals did not fully position themselves within the liberal tradition: Erhard in West Germany from onwards, as well as those implemented by L. De Gasperi in Italy from or A. Pinay in and J.
Rueff in in France.
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In , several French neoliberal intellectuals responded to F. The participants were, once again, mainly European Figure 5. Professional location of the participants in the Ostend Colloquium on Economic Liberalism This shift in the use of the term, from its self-proclaimed proponents to external analysts, sometimes occurred at the expense of certain simplifications or omissions. For example, US political scientists C. Oliver considered German ordoliberalism to be the original seat of neoliberalism, neglecting the French roots of the label and the founding moment represented by the Lippmann Colloquium.
While their ideas enjoyed substantial resonance in intellectual and media debates, they were rarely linked to any form of neoliberalism. The poor visibility of French neoliberalism explains why, until the early s, the neoliberal label was above all applied to the German branch of the movement.
Figure 6 shows that the intellectuals or political leaders who were presented as being neoliberal in international academic work between and are mainly German authors, particularly W. Alongside them, there were also the economists from the Freiburg School F. Miksch as well as various German liberal intellectuals A.
This refocusing of international academic discourse, which now placed the West German intellectuals and politicians at the heart of the debate, resulted in the geographical origin of this political trend — invented in France by French authors, who shared common views with some of their European counterparts — being obfuscated.
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For example, taking inspiration from C. Anderson made the same type of geographical and intellectual transposition in to account for the reforms conducted in Spain from Ayres, he used the term neoliberal to describe the policies carried out by J.
At the end of the s, historian R. Kuisel , took the habit of applying the neoliberal label to the French planners, such as F. Monnet, who, from the s to the s put France on the track of the consultation system, expansion and openness to international competition. The authors cited here contented themselves with the presence of a few norms inherent to the original neoliberalism in order to apply the label: For all these authors, it did not matter that this did not fully equate with the project established during the Lippmann Colloquium nor that the political leaders they qualified as neoliberals had never in fact laid claim to such a label.
With time, as the neoliberal frame was progressively applied to increasingly varied national cases, usage shifted further and further from the doctrinal foundations upon which the first neoliberals had agreed.
Nonetheless, until the end of the s, the geo-semantic hesitations observed over the previous decade remained in the minority and the ordoliberal sense of the term prevailed in academic discourse. In the s and s, Latin America even became the world region most often associated with neoliberalism Figure 8. Similarly, while France and Germany remained the main publishing centres for works on neoliberalism until , the Latin American States largely overtook them Figure 9.
This geographical repositioning that henceforth placed Latin America at the heart of discourse on neoliberalism went hand-in-hand with a rise in the number of articles and books published on this theme Figures 3 and 8. A double shift, both geographical and semantic, can therefore be seen in neoliberalism, as well as a spatial extension of the network of intellectuals identified as neoliberal. From the s onwards, the second choice won out as in Latin America the neoliberal label had become an ideological foil for the opponents of dictatorships.
This misunderstanding no doubt derives in part from the fact that, for a long time, the role played by the Mont Pelerin Society - seen by certain observers as the foundational nexus of international neoliberalism since the end of World War II Halimi, ; Mirowsky, ; Peck, — remained obscure. A further contributing factor lies with the pivotal role played by F. Lippmann being the only tie to the United States. Rueff , from its inception it also included many intellectuals and economists from the United States, with nothing to say that they shared the views of the first neoliberals Figure Mises, the members of the different generations of the Chicago School F.
Friedman 7 never claimed to belong to, or adhere to the principles of, any neoliberal movement. And indeed, between and , none of the sessions organised during MPS meetings were explicitly devoted to the question of neoliberalism Mont Pelerin Society, Machlup believed in a spontaneous order specific to the market economy.
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This was substantially different from the interventionist view of the first neoliberals, who were concerned with redressing the severe inadequacies of laisser-faire. An economist such as L. Mises even explicitly rejected the different forms of intervention suggested by the French neoliberals or the German ordoliberals, doomed in his view to eventually lead to interventionism and totalitarianism. This recalls the point of view developed by F. Despite being present in many of the same conferences or publications, the Austro-Americans held positions that were difficult to reconcile with those of the avowed neoliberals on many levels.
Hayek, as well as B. Hazlitt or the members of the Chicago School. The MPS progressively grew more radical as F.
Hayek opened it up to the most anti-State currents of liberalism and the representatives of the Virginia-based School of public choice J. Smith are the most well-known of these representatives as well as to anarcho-capitalist and minarchist thinkers 8 such as L. The latter took inspiration from the rising libertarian movement in the United States, from the s onwards, under the influence of A. Those who saw the economic reforms put in place in Latin America during the s and s as the concrete application of neoliberalism only retained a limited view of its principles, i.
This American understanding of a radical form of neoliberalism is no doubt also partly due to the fact that, from the s, particularly in the United States, this current was above all seen through the figures of L. The positions of these two economists were in fact much better received in their adoptive country than in Europe, allowing them to play a determining role in structuring libertarian networks in the States around the Chicago School, and on both sides of the Atlantic thanks to the MPS.
In Europe, several authors such as A. Utz and M. Foucault continued to refer to the ordoliberal understanding of the term.
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A group of young parliamentary Democrats led by C. Although noteworthy figures such as R.
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Gore were aware of this current, this use of the term did not last beyond the s. However, the label nonetheless shows that at the time the policies implemented by the Republicans since R. At the same time, neoliberalism also began to designate a new branch within studies in International Relations, launched by J. Nye and R. Keohane in response to K. On an international scale, this polysemy contributed to growing confusion. Observers linked an increasing number of countries to various monetarist policies retrospectively considered as being neoliberal: Thatcher and the United States since R.
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Nota bene : Depending on the author, neoliberalism can come to mean a variety of things as different as the institutional market and laisser-faire, regulated competition and unbridled competition, economic coordination and deregulation, a mode of govermentality and the demise of the State, international multilateralism and US imperialism, or a single thought and a radical doctrine.
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